JEFFERSON, Thomas. Autograph letter signed ("Th: Jefferson") as President to THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, Washington, D.C., 14 February 1806. 1 full page, 4to, integral blank. In very fine original condition, without defects.
JEFFERSON, Thomas. Autograph letter signed ("Th: Jefferson") as President to THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, Washington, D.C., 14 February 1806. 1 full page, 4to, integral blank. In very fine original condition, without defects. "YOUR PRESENCE AT NEW ORLEANS...": JEFFERSON'S PLAN TO NAME THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE LOUISIANA TERRITORY One of a very few letters in which Jefferson alludes to his plan to appoint the Marquis de Lafayette Governor of the new American territories west of the Mississippi. The President acknowledges Lafayette's recent letters, and notes, with evident equanimity the Marquis's decision not to brave a sea voyage to America: "the reason assigned for your not venturing across the ocean was certainly weighty, as a capture by the English would have been a very serious misfortune." Before the ink was dry on the Louisiana Purchase proclamation (October 1803), Jefferson had conceived an unusual plan for the talents of his "dear friend" in France. He had already sent an expedition under Lewis and Clarke to explore the vast interior reaches of the territory (departing in late 1803, the historic party returned to St. Louis a month after this letter). Jefferson also confronted the need to administer and govern the populated areas in the new territory, and it occurred to him that the Marquis--still venerated for his services during the Revolution--might make an ideal choice for first governor of Louisiana. Temporarily, he had installed William C.C. Claiborne as acting governor, but he explained in a letter to Claiborne that he wanted the governorship ultimately to go to "one whose great services and established fame...rendered him particularly acceptable to the nation at large" (quoted by D. Malone, Jefferson the President: First Term , p.357). But, as clearly revealed here, Jefferson was forced, albeit reluctantly, to abandon this idea for practical reasons: with the Napoleonic wars raging it was highly dangerous for French vessels and their passengers, especially if they had played a conspicuous role in the war against Britain in 1776-1783. Indeed, if captured on the high seas by Britain or an ally, Lafayette would likely be incarcerated for years while the war raged. These practical obstacles, though, begged the deeper question of Lafayette's willingness to accept the Governorship at all. Not surprisingly, his attention was much focused on the still turbulent politics of his native France. Napoleon had just named himself Emperor (May 1804), lost the naval battle of Trafalgar and won the great land victory at Austerlitz, and it looked to Jefferson as if the United States might be drawn into that maelstrom, too. "Your presence at New Orleans," the president writes, "would give security to our government there," but "in the present state of things it is not certain you could give us your service there, for it seems very uncertain which of the two powers of Spain or England, by commencing hostilities against us first, will force us into the scale of the other. If the former commences first, and it seems most imminent, you probably could take no part," he admits, rather wistfully. "In 1802, at Jefferson's bidding, Congress had voted Lafayette a huge grant of land north of the Ohio in the hope he would return to live and die in the country of his dreams. With the acquisition of Louisiana, reason and interest came to the aid of sentiment. Jefferson asked Congress to amend the terms of the grant so as to permit Lafayette to take up his lands in Louisiana" (M. Peterson, Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation , p.786). Despite his flowery expressions of gratitude, Jefferson's carefully contrived inducement was not enough to tempt the Marquis into returning to reside on the frontiers of the nation whose independence he had fought to secure. In any case, while "Lafayette would have had one distinct advantage--the ability to speak French," Malone notes, "we may doubt that the governorship of this territory
JEFFERSON, Thomas. Autograph letter signed ("Th: Jefferson") as President to THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, Washington, D.C., 14 February 1806. 1 full page, 4to, integral blank. In very fine original condition, without defects.
JEFFERSON, Thomas. Autograph letter signed ("Th: Jefferson") as President to THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, Washington, D.C., 14 February 1806. 1 full page, 4to, integral blank. In very fine original condition, without defects. "YOUR PRESENCE AT NEW ORLEANS...": JEFFERSON'S PLAN TO NAME THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE LOUISIANA TERRITORY One of a very few letters in which Jefferson alludes to his plan to appoint the Marquis de Lafayette Governor of the new American territories west of the Mississippi. The President acknowledges Lafayette's recent letters, and notes, with evident equanimity the Marquis's decision not to brave a sea voyage to America: "the reason assigned for your not venturing across the ocean was certainly weighty, as a capture by the English would have been a very serious misfortune." Before the ink was dry on the Louisiana Purchase proclamation (October 1803), Jefferson had conceived an unusual plan for the talents of his "dear friend" in France. He had already sent an expedition under Lewis and Clarke to explore the vast interior reaches of the territory (departing in late 1803, the historic party returned to St. Louis a month after this letter). Jefferson also confronted the need to administer and govern the populated areas in the new territory, and it occurred to him that the Marquis--still venerated for his services during the Revolution--might make an ideal choice for first governor of Louisiana. Temporarily, he had installed William C.C. Claiborne as acting governor, but he explained in a letter to Claiborne that he wanted the governorship ultimately to go to "one whose great services and established fame...rendered him particularly acceptable to the nation at large" (quoted by D. Malone, Jefferson the President: First Term , p.357). But, as clearly revealed here, Jefferson was forced, albeit reluctantly, to abandon this idea for practical reasons: with the Napoleonic wars raging it was highly dangerous for French vessels and their passengers, especially if they had played a conspicuous role in the war against Britain in 1776-1783. Indeed, if captured on the high seas by Britain or an ally, Lafayette would likely be incarcerated for years while the war raged. These practical obstacles, though, begged the deeper question of Lafayette's willingness to accept the Governorship at all. Not surprisingly, his attention was much focused on the still turbulent politics of his native France. Napoleon had just named himself Emperor (May 1804), lost the naval battle of Trafalgar and won the great land victory at Austerlitz, and it looked to Jefferson as if the United States might be drawn into that maelstrom, too. "Your presence at New Orleans," the president writes, "would give security to our government there," but "in the present state of things it is not certain you could give us your service there, for it seems very uncertain which of the two powers of Spain or England, by commencing hostilities against us first, will force us into the scale of the other. If the former commences first, and it seems most imminent, you probably could take no part," he admits, rather wistfully. "In 1802, at Jefferson's bidding, Congress had voted Lafayette a huge grant of land north of the Ohio in the hope he would return to live and die in the country of his dreams. With the acquisition of Louisiana, reason and interest came to the aid of sentiment. Jefferson asked Congress to amend the terms of the grant so as to permit Lafayette to take up his lands in Louisiana" (M. Peterson, Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation , p.786). Despite his flowery expressions of gratitude, Jefferson's carefully contrived inducement was not enough to tempt the Marquis into returning to reside on the frontiers of the nation whose independence he had fought to secure. In any case, while "Lafayette would have had one distinct advantage--the ability to speak French," Malone notes, "we may doubt that the governorship of this territory
.jpg "Quelle: Christie's")
Testen Sie LotSearch und seine Premium-Features 7 Tage - ohne Kosten!
Lassen Sie sich automatisch über neue Objekte in kommenden Auktionen benachrichtigen.
Suchauftrag anlegen
.jpg "Quelle: Christie's")
.jpg "Quelle: Christie's")
